Democratic Bureaucracy

  

                         

Recently, an editor at National Public Radio (NPR) claimed that all of its 87 staffers were Democrats. What a surprise! He was immediately fired for telling the truth, but subsequently re-instated after public outcry.  The new head of NPR indicated that she is trying to increase the number of listeners, but it seems obvious that her efforts will not be directed toward increasing the number of conservative or Republican listeners. It also seems obvious that no Republicans or conservatives need apply for a position at NPR despite Federal Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion standards. There are always ways to weed out undesirables.

NPR is just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the Federal bureaucracy. The Democratic vote in the District of Columbia, the seat of the Federal government, is almost as lopsided. Here are the approximate vote totals for the past three elections.

                  Democrat                                     Republican

2020: Biden—--317,000 (92%) --- Trump 18000 (5%)

2016: Clinton—253,000 (91%) --- Trump 13,000 (4%)

2012: Obama---267,000 (91%) --- Romney 21,000 (7%)

 

Interestingly, Trump, the ostensible head of the government from 2016 to 2020 only increased his vote by 5,000 in 2020.  Mitt Romney, the kind of Republican that Democrats and Independents like, could only get 7% of the District of Columbia’s vote in 2012. Neither Romney nor Trump could make any inroads among Federal government employees who are largely Democratic. 

Over a century ago, reformers worked to make the Federal Civil Service free of politics and favoritism. I’m not sure these reforms ever really worked well, but today it is obvious that the Federal bureaucracy is overwhelmingly made up of Democratic partisans. If proof is needed that the Civil Service is far from independent, just consider the fact that 51 former members of the Federal intelligence community signed a public letter in 2020 claiming the Hunter Biden laptop story was Russian disinformation. The letter was concocted by members of the Biden campaign to avoid bad publicity. As a result, most news services refused to carry the story. The letter was obvious political interference in the election on the part of career civil servants acting as tools of the Biden campaign.

Speaking of the media, liberals like President Biden claim that it is fair and unbiased, except for Fox News. Nevertheless, I would guess that the majority of news organizations in the country are staffed by Democrats much like NPR. My own local newspaper, a member of the Hearst chain, has not one conservative commentator on its editorial page. 

The Democratic presence in government and the media is mirrored by the disproportionate numbers of Democrats in America’s colleges and universities. Democrats make up over 90% of the faculty and administration on campus today, whether the schools are elite or ordinary. The best example of that is the ongoing anti -Israel protests going on today all over the country.  For years these schools have hired increasingly radical professors and administrators and now we see the results. 

It is interesting that Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion never applies to Republicans and conservatives. Even if ex-President Trump gets elected this November, it will be difficult for him to govern given the preponderance of Democrats in all levels of the Federal bureaucracy. Perhaps he will have to use affirmative action to make our government more representative of the Nation. One of his first steps could be to reform NPR. Instead of National Progressive Radio, NPR might truly become National Public Radio. 

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The Governing Class

 

The recent mid-term elections brought to mind a post I wrote a few years ago about Alexander Solzhenitzyn's novel, The Cancer Ward in which he depicted a member of the Communist party governing class in the former Soviet Union.

Every society has its governing class. In America they don't call themselves Communists, but an increasing number describe themselves as Socialists. For the most part the governing class in America is made up of members of the Democratic party. Did you know, for example, that in the 2020 Presidential election the District of Columbia, the seat of the Federal government, gave 317323 votes to Biden and only 18586 to Trump?

Historically, the governing class never makes up more than a small minority of a country’s population. Even in countries where Socialist or Communist revolutionaries triumphed and seized power, the ruling party remained an elite group with membership severely restricted. 

In Hitler’s Germany, for example, membership in the National Socialist or Nazi party never constituted more than 10% of the German people. In the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) members of the Communist party also were a relatively small elite group. Membership in the Party was a privilege and a sign of status. Even today in countries like China, Cuba, and Venezuela, party members make up a small ruling minority despite massive vote totals in elections. 

No one has described this class better than Alexander Solzhenitsyn, arguably the greatest and most influential author of the twentieth century. He began writing while a prisoner in Soviet labor camps for almost a decade. After serving his term in the labor camp, he was released into exile in central Asia. 

While in exile, he developed a cancerous tumor and was allowed to return to civilization for treatment. His famous novel, Cancer Ward, is a fictionalized version of his experience in the hospital. He is obviously the main character but he describes the doctors, nurses, and other patients with great sympathy and understanding. * 

However, he had little sympathy for Pavel Nikolayevich Rusanov, the only Communist party member in the cancer ward. Rusanov was a party official who only consented to enter this remote facility until his wife could manage to pull strings and find an opening in Moscow. “But Pavel Nikolayevich was tormented no less than by the disease itself, by having to enter the clinic as an ordinary person. He could hardly remember when last he had been in a public hospital.” Rusanov looked down on the other cancer patients as riff-raff, non-Russian Asiatics, or even criminals. 

Solzhenitsyn uses Rusanov and his wife, Kapitolivna Marveyevna, as examples of how Socialist champions of the People can morph into privileged bureaucrats.  

The Rusanovs loved the People, their great People. They served the People and were ready to give their lives for the People.

But as the years went by they found themselves less and less able to tolerate actual human beings, those obstinate creatures who were always resistant, refusing to do what they were told and, besides, demanding something for themselves.

The Rusanovs had an aversion to “teeming human beings, or jostling crowds.” They found travel on public transportation “disgusting” with loud, pushing, dirty workers struggling to get in. The worst thing was the “familiarity” of these people who would clap you on the shoulder and ask you to pass a ticket or some change along the car.

Eventually, the Rusanovs acquired an automobile of their own and avoided public transportation altogether. On railroads, they would only travel first-class on reserved compartments to avoid mixing with people “crammed in, wearing sheepskin coats and carrying buckets and sacks.”

Rusanov was a bureaucrat who had done very well in the Soviet system. He had a wife and two children, a car and a nice apartment as well as a small country place. It is true that he had never actually been a worker. He had never built anything, made anything, or designed anything. He had not even served in the military during the great patriotic war. His job had been to gather evidence and information that could be used to send enemies of the state to the labor camps.

Even though he loved Stalin, he was aware of the many shortcomings in his country. However, he blamed all Russia’s problems on speculation or what we would call private enterprise.

 

Over the years Rusanov had become more and more unshakably convinced that all our mistakes, shortcomings, imperfections and inadequacies were the result of speculation. Spring onions, radishes and flowers were sold on the street by dubious types, milk and eggs were sold by peasant women in the market, and yoghurt, woolen socks, even fried fish at the railway stations. There was large-scale speculation too. Lorries were being driven off “on the side” from State warehouses. If these two kinds of speculation could be torn up by the roots, everything in our country could be put right quickly and our successes would be even more striking. There was nothing wrong in a man strengthening his material position with the help of a good salary from the State and a good pension… Such a man had earned his car, his cottage in the country, and a small house in town to himself. But a car of the same make from the same factory, or a country-cottage of the same standard type, acquired a completely different criminal character if they had been bought through speculation. Rusanov dreamed, literally dreamed, of introducing public executions for speculators. Public executions would speedily bring complete health to our society. (162)

Socialism did not bring equality to the Soviet Union or to any other Communist country. Supporters of Socialism have always blamed others for its failures, and claimed that they could make it succeed. Progressives in our country, like Rusanov, blame capitalism and private enterprise for our problems. They want heads to roll, figuratively, or maybe literally.

 

In the Soviet Union the only true equality was found in the cancer ward. Cancer was the great equalizer and treated rich and poor alike.

 

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*Alexander Solzhenitsyn: The Cancer Ward, 1968. Penguin books, 1971.